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Watts non diceva affatto che dobbiamo rinunciare alla morale,. Olio di Olive Taggiasche. Lavare i calamaretti e asciugarli accuratamente. Far soffriggere in una padella con l'olio gli spicchi d'aglio e il peperoncino.

Aggiungete i calamaretti, fateli cuocere per qualche minuto e sfumateli con il vino bianco. Conditeli con il prezzemolo o menta, se preferite. Spalmate i calamaretti sulle fette di pane di Triora, leggermente abbrustolite. In this moment, if our inner or outer life is not or has not been turned upside down, we are sleepwalking. We are just imitating some lame spiritual practice that is keeping our status quo.

Self-hypnosis and denial can and do take many forms, including spirituality. In matters of Self, culture is not our friend. Its only interest is its own propagation, which involves keeping us asleep. The new age movement is certainly not our friend, rather a wolf in sheep's clothing, lulling us to a cozy sleep.

Despite the teachings in vogue, we cannot become aware of the depths of our being without disturbing the routines of our comfortable lifestyle. Beware of false prophets interested and taking billions! If we are not shaking in our boots, we are not facing truth. Truth has no interest in our love life, financial health or emotional stability. More often than not, these things are hindrances in her ability to shake us out of our sleepwalking. If we are not questioning on a daily level, our spiritual practice is worthless.

Every single one of us is an expert liar. We must not underestimate our ability to fool ourselves and everyone around us. Political, economic or environmental action without internal knowledge is useless. Internal awareness without external action is insubstantial. The you that is reading this is dreaming. Be firm in your commitment to get out of your slumber.

Every thing and every one around us is committed to lulling us back to sleep. The road to awakening is a narrow path and no one can walk it for us. The best we can hope for is meeting kindred spirits who are finding and walking their own paths.

We have to grow, prepare and eat the food. It is not some prepackaged processed food to be purchased and consumed. What sustains another might poison you. If our lips are moving without conscious and deliberate intent, we are most likely lying. No thing outside of us will ever fill us. Having doubts, being engaged in questioning all and keeping an open and elastic mind are crucial. Look around and look at the world that we have created and continue to create.

When not examined, our unconscious will ruin us. When integrated, it will elevate and empower us. That takes tremendous courage, to offer up our idealized self image at the alter of our true nature. These misguided teachings are embraced by our ego to solidify its position instead of having to admit that it is powerless and impermanent.

For more by Abdi Assadi, click here. For more on mindfulness, click here. The big banks are getting restless. Nowhere is this more evident than in the latest just released letter from Citi's European Credit Strategy, literally a letter to Europe's trio of leading politicians, which follows hot on the heels of yet another recent Citigroup missive from Willem Buiter, which was largely ignored in the noise, yet which made it all too clear that when all else fails, it is the Chairman's sworn duty to paradrop money.

Because if anyone, it is the banks that know that if things aren't fixed they aren't , it is up to the central banks to do something to prevent the vigilantes from forcing the politicians hands, as they did in the summer and fall of which will not provide a long-term fix, but at least allow bankers to hope that the next collapse won't take place before bonus season.

As Citi says, "Until the gravity of the situation is made clear, until the self-reinforcing mechanisms that already seem to be in motion are understood, we don't see how the solutions, the answers, and the certainty that market craves can be brought to the table. We can't escape the sense that it is probably politically easier to let the markets run loose for the time being to make it apparent that further intervention is needed. But bp on Crossover is much closer than you imagine.

Look for many more banks to sign off on the same letter. It seems that we are at a watershed once again. Judging by the movement we have seen in the credit market and in other risk assets over the last week, a chain of events that could lead to implosion has been unleashed, unless checked by policy action.

The LTROs allayed market fears about a liquidity crisis in the European banking system and created additional demand for periphery sovereign debt during the first quarter. However, we reckon it is now time to face the fact that the market does not believe Schäuble's firewall works.

Most urgently, the market fears a Greek exit, or the reintroduction of capital controls to stem deposit outflows, might spark deposit flight from banks across a number of other countries.

Playing down the importance of a Greek exit now is hardly reassuring, when Mario Draghi said the consequences for the Eurozone would be 'incalculable' only last December.

While the lack of an elected government in Greece complicates matters, the market sees a growing risk any new government will not be able to make the concessions demanded by the Troika quickly enough — or at all. If a hard line is to be taken on Greece, then we reckon the firewall must be reinforced at least with a pan-European deposit guarantee scheme of some form.

The market knows that it is not easy to sell politically in Germany. It may be that LTRO-driven bank demand can sustain the auctions for now, but it seems likely to us that foreign investors will continue to pull out. Through the LTROs and extremely low interest rates policymakers have ensured that financial markets are flush with cash.

We don't recall a time where the liquidity situation and the technical position of the credit market has been much stronger than now. But that isn't enough. Quite simply, the uncertainty is killing any incentive to take risk.

What goes in financial markets generally goes in the wider economy too. Companies are flush with cash, but we struggle to see them investing — especially in the countries where investment is sorely needed — while there is no visibility on the Euro project.

Meanwhile, things grind to a halt. We understand the political constraints key policymakers operate under. We know that many backbenchers and ECB board members are not fully onside. We can see in the election results and the opinion polls that a large part of the electorates are not onside either. There seems to be a dangerous perception in many places that enough has been done already. However, don't be fooled by the apparent resilience of many corporate bonds and equities.

Aside from the sheer amount of cash funds have been left with, it is only the perception that the policy intervention will come eventually, triggering a very large short squeeze that is preventing more selling.

Every day seems to bring headlines that challenge that perception. We could be close to the breaking point. Already in the last week there are clear signs in credit that the selloff is becoming more systemic.

If you have come across our 'five phases of grief' framework — it appears we are moving straight from 'depression' back to 'anger'. Until the gravity of the situation is made clear, until the self-reinforcing mechanisms that already seem to be in motion are understood, we don't see how the solutions, the answers, and the certainty that market craves can be brought to the table.

Our impression is that markets will need to act as the proverbial 'attack dog', forcing the issue on the political agenda. This would not be the first time that markets have had to bark to get a credible policy response. Moreover, every bark comes with a loss of credibility — a loss of faith in the institutional capacity of the European Union to address the fundamental imbalances. Reining in the market eventually may end up taking a bigger effort than policymakers are bargaining for.

The market needs to know what policymakers are committed to and it needs to see actions that validate those commitments. Inaction is just a carte blanche for investors to sit on the sidelines and wait for things to deteriorate further. A lot of people still haven't heard that the economy cannot recover until the big banks are broken up.

In fact, virtually all independent economists and financial experts are calling for the big banks to be broken up, including: Well, small banks have been lending much more than the big boys.

The giant banks which received taxpayer bailouts have been harming the economy by slashing lending, giving higher bonuses, and operating at higher costs than banks which didn't get bailed out. As Fortune pointed out , the only reason that smaller banks haven't been able to expand and thrive is that the too-big-to-fails have decreased competition:. Growth for the nation's smaller banks represents a reversal of trends from the last twenty years, when the biggest banks got much bigger and many of the smallest players were gobbled up or driven under As big banks struggle to find a way forward and rising loan losses threaten to punish poorly run banks of all sizes, smaller but well capitalized institutions have a long-awaited chance to expand.

So the very size of the giants squashes competition, and prevents the small and medium size banks to start lending to Main Street again. And as I noted in December , the big banks are the major reason why sovereign debt has become a crisis:.

The Bank for International Settlements BIS is often called the "central banks' central bank", as it coordinates transactions between central banks. BIS points out in a new report that the bank rescue packages have transferred significant risks onto government balance sheets, which is reflected in the corresponding widening of sovereign credit default swaps:.

The scope and magnitude of the bank rescue packages also meant that significant risks had been transferred onto government balance sheets.

This was particularly apparent in the market for CDS referencing sovereigns involved either in large individual bank rescues or in broad-based support packages for the financial sector, including the United States.

While such CDS were thinly traded prior to the announced rescue packages, spreads widened suddenly on increased demand for credit protection, while corresponding financial sector spreads tightened. In other words, by assuming huge portions of the risk from banks trading in toxic derivatives, and by spending trillions that they don't have, central banks have put their countries at risk from default.

We are no longer wealthy enough to keep bailing out the bloated banks. See this , this , this , this , this and this. Indeed, the top independent experts say that the biggest banks are insolvent see this , for example , as they have been many times before. By failing to break up the giant banks, the government will keep taking emergency measures see this and this to try to cover up their insolvency. But those measures drain the life blood out of the real economy. And by failing to break them up, the government is guaranteeing that they will take crazily risky bets again and again , and the government will wrack up more and more debt bailing them out in the future.

Anyone who thinks that Congress will use the current financial regulation - Dodd-Frank - to break up banks in the middle of an even bigger crisis is dreaming. If the giant banks aren't broken up now - when they are threatening to take down the world economy - they won't be broken up next time they become insolvent either. In other words, there is no better time than today to break them up.

Experts say that derivatives will never be reined in until the mega-banks are broken up, and yet unregulated derivatives are one of the main risks to the economy. In addition, as everyone from Paul Krugman to Simon Johnson has noted, the banks are so big and politically powerful that they have bought the politicians and captured the regulators. So their very size is preventing the changes needed to fix the economy. Moreover, Richard Alford - former New York Fed economist, trading floor economist and strategist - recently showed that banks that get too big benefit from "information asymmetry" which disrupts the free market.

Indeed, Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz noted in September that giants like Goldman are using their size to manipulate the market:.

Why is that important? They trade both on their proprietary desk and on behalf of customers. When you do that and you have a significant fraction of all trades, you have a lot of information. Further, he says, "That raises the potential of conflicts of interest, problems of front-running, using that inside information for your proprietary desk.

And that's why the Volcker report came out and said that we need to restrict the kinds of activity that these large institutions have. If you're going to trade on behalf of others, if you're going to be a commercial bank, you can't engage in certain kinds of risk-taking behavior. See this , this , this , this and this.

This is frontrunning , which is illegal; but it is a lot bigger than garden variety frontrunning, because the program traders are not only trading based on inside knowledge of what their own clients are doing, they are also trading based on knowledge of what all other traders are doing.

Goldman also admitted that its proprietary trading program can "manipulate the markets in unfair ways". The giant banks have also allegedly used their Counterparty Risk Management Policy Group CRMPG to exchange secret information and formulate coordinated mutually beneficial actions, all with the government's blessings.

If a bunch of small banks did this, manipulation by numerous small players would tend to cancel each other out. But with a handful of giants doing it, it can manipulate the entire economy in ways which are not good for the American citizen. Avremmo visto nostra madre dare piena fiducia a nostro padre ed esprimergli apertamente i suoi sentimenti, senza disapprovazione né rimprovero.

Possiamo - sempre - imparare a farlo. Economics as currently presented in textbooks and taught in the classroom does not have much to do with business management, and still less with entrepreneurship. The degree to which economics is isolated from the ordinary business of life is extraordinary and unfortunate.

That was not the case in the past. The book also stirred up and guided debates among politicians on trade and other economic policies. The academic community in those days was small, and economists had to appeal to a broad audience. In the 20th century, economics consolidated as a profession; economists could afford to write exclusively for one another. At the same time, the field experienced a paradigm shift, gradually identifying itself as a theoretical approach of economization and giving up the real-world economy as its subject matter.

Today, production is marginalized in economics, and the paradigmatic question is a rather static one of resource allocation. The tools used by economists to analyze business firms are too abstract and speculative to offer any guidance to entrepreneurs and managers in their constant struggle to bring novel products to consumers at low cost. This separation of economics from the working economy has severely damaged both the business community and the academic discipline.

Since economics offers little in the way of practical insight, managers and entrepreneurs depend on their own business acumen, personal judgment, and rules of thumb in making decisions. In times of crisis, when business leaders lose their self-confidence, they often look to political power to fill the void. Government is increasingly seen as the ultimate solution to tough economic problems, from innovation to employment.

Economics thus becomes a convenient instrument the state uses to manage the economy, rather than a tool the public turns to for enlightenment about how the economy operates. But because it is no longer firmly grounded in systematic empirical investigation of the working of the economy, it is hardly up to the task. During most of human history, households and tribes largely lived on their own subsistence economy; their connections to one another and the outside world were tenuous and intermittent.

This changed completely with the rise of the commercial society. Today, a modern market economy with its ever-finer division of labor depends on a constantly expanding network of trade. It requires an intricate web of social institutions to coordinate the working of markets and firms across various boundaries. At a time when the modern economy is becoming increasingly institutions-intensive, the reduction of economics to price theory is troubling enough. It is suicidal for the field to slide into a hard science of choice, ignoring the influences of society, history, culture, and politics on the working of the economy.

It is time to reengage the severely impoverished field of economics with the economy. Market economies springing up in China, India, Africa, and elsewhere herald a new era of entrepreneurship, and with it unprecedented opportunities for economists to study how the market economy gains its resilience in societies with cultural, institutional, and organizational diversities.

But knowledge will come only if economics can be reoriented to the study of man as he is and the economic system as it actually exists.

We need to change how people think: It takes a personal toll and if we are not careful, we can begin to make it about us. It creates a lack of proportion. It leads to a wrong motivation for leadership: We see this all the time—the hypocrisy of leadership—seeking positions of power while denying the real nature of leadership.

And it is why we have seen far too many leaders derail. It diminishes our influence because it takes us out of the community; out of the narrative.

We no longer lead for the cause but only as a means to serve ourselves. Side effects include distrust, cynicism, the wrong kind competition and isolated thinking. Good leadership creates connections and avoids points of disconnect. We must take care of our needs in the same way we take of the needs of others or we will not be able to properly serve others. The antidote is remembering that leadership is not a position but a role. Je suis très sensible à l'argumentation de Martin Wolf chroniqueur au Financial Times, ndlr qui met l'accent sur les déséquilibres des balances commerciales.

Les pays qui souffrent le plus de la crise ne sont pas ceux qui ont les déficits budgétaires les plus marqués, mais ceux dont la balance commerciale est la plus déficitaire. C'est là que se situe l'origine de la crise:. Les zones productrices se sont déplacées vers l'Asie. Comment effectivement continuer à faire confiance et à croire en les capacités de ceux-là même qui nous ont enfoncé dans notre marasme actuel? Autrement dit, que notre monde, que notre mode de vie et que nos prétentions reviennent à un niveau soutenable, donc forcément plus modeste.

Si sapeva già che, alla fine del , George Bush e Henry Paulson avevano messo sul tavolo miliardi di dollari miliardi di euro per salvare le banche americane. Dopo aver spulciato Aspetteremo che sia troppo tardi per capire la gravità della crisi e scegliere insieme la metamorfosi prima dello sfascio delle nostre società?

Non abbiamo la possibilità qui di sviluppare le dieci o quindici riforme concrete che renderanno possibile questa metamorfosi. Come dare ossigeno alle nostre finanze pubbliche?

Angela Merkel ha ragione nel dire che niente deve incoraggiare i governi a continuare la fuga in avanti. Nel la Francia deve prender in prestito miliardi: Bisogna finirla con questa concezione del due pesi due misure: Niente impedisce di attuare tali finanziamenti fin da gennaio!

Non lo si dice abbastanza: La risposta dovrebbe essere evidente per chi agisce in favore del bene comune. Il ruolo che i trattati attribuiscono alla Bce è di quello di vegliare sulla stabilità dei prezzi.

La Bce deve anche controllare la stabilità delle nostre economie. Non solo non ci sono ostacoli che le impediscano di agire, ma anzi, ogni elemento la spinge in questa direzione. Se la Bce fosse fedele ai trattati dovrebbe far di tutto per diminuire il costo del debito pubblico. Nel , dopo la caduta del Muro di Berlino, è bastato un mese a Helmut Kohl, a François Mitterrand e agli altri capi di Stato Europei per decidere di creare la moneta unica.

Dopo quattro anni di crisi , cosa aspettano ancora i nostri dirigenti per dare ossigeno alle nostre finanze pubbliche? Il meccanismo che proponiamo potrebbe applicarsi immediatamente, sia per diminuire il costo del vecchio debito che per finanziare gli investimenti fondamentali per il nostro avvenire, come ad esempio un piano europeo di risparmio energetico.

Quelli che richiedono la negoziazione di un nuovo trattato europeo hanno ragione: Occorre un trattato di convergenza sociale e una vera governance economica. È urgente inviare ai cittadini un segnale molto chiaro: È al servizio dei suoi cittadini. From a political perspective, the best time for a new president to take office is either during or immediately after a recession.

Given the pattern of political and business interaction over the past century, any new president is likely to inherit the politically induced economic imbalances bequeathed by previous presidents and congresses. Recessions are the painful but necessary corrections of those imbalances, when businesses readjust their production, processes, and workforces to better fit the demand for their products.

In this, the Obama administration has two reasons to be thankful for their inheritance. That eased their way to power and they entered office with the economy in the process of cleaning itself out. All they had to do was to let businesses sort themselves out, let the legal system do its job, and to wind down the bailout programs implemented by their predecessor.

This was followed by the passage of two Leviathan-sized regulatory bills: The increased debt that was needed to finance all this has created a further need for increases in future tax revenues.

That, plus all the new regulatory compliance costs — that will continue to grow over time — have imposed new burdens and uncertainties on individuals and businesses, particularly small businesses.

These are not the same natural uncertainties that we would face in the course of improving our lives in a free market; these are the man-made uncertainties that are born in the expansive arbitrariness of regulatory rule. It should be no surprise that U.

In the days following the assassination of John F. Kennedy in , Lyndon B. White House insiders considered the task nearly impossible. The civil rights bill was bottled up in the House Rules Committee, where its chairman was intent on running out the clock.

A critical tax cut, meanwhile, was bogged down in the Senate, where the Finance Committee chairman was holding it hostage. Rather than negotiate with Congress, Johnson turned the goodwill of the nation into a force with which to bludgeon the GOP and expand what was politically possible.

The result was a tax cut that is largely credited with ushering in an era of high growth and, of course, the Civil Rights Act. Had Johnson stuck to inside baseball, he would have struck out twice. Barack Obama could have learned something from LBJ. As a candidate Obama promised to change the way Washington works and he rode a wave of global support into the White House.

His first two years in office have repeatedly been compared to the New Deal under Franklin Roosevelt and the Great Society under Johnson, with historic achievements on health care, Wall Street reform and other domestic priorities.

The health care reform legislation was built largely off a conservative model, with millions of people shuttled into the private market.

The White House made little effort to push labor priorities like the Employee Free Choice Act, which would have granted workers more avenues to form unions. The Iraq war may have ended, but the war in Afghanistan heated up, with lingering confusion as to why troops remain there.

Now, just a few months before the election, Obama is suffering from an engagement gap. That number was 61 percent at a similar time in Republicans, meanwhile, are more fired up now 51 percent than they were in 35 percent. Obama is no longer regarded by the majority of voters as a constructive reformer. Although Democrats tend to like the president more than Republicans like Mitt Romney, his re-election is far from assured. How did a candidate who drew two million individuals to his inauguration and retained a 13 million-member email list lose that magic?

According to campaign officials, White House aides, members of Congress, top party strategists, labor leaders and progressive advocates, the main reason is that Obama has come to resemble the creature of Washington he campaigned against.

A president, by definition, is an inside player, tasked with executing difficult rounds of political negotiations. But without the energy of the campaign, Obama found himself with far less power than expected. Once in office, the soaring rhetoric of the election quickly gave way to legislative realities. Not doing so once in office would constitute a broken promise in its own right. But promising to pursue an era of post-partisanship and actually getting lawmakers to buy into the concept were two very different things.

There were numerous Democrats whose vision was far from aligned with ours. Addressing the challenges brought about by the recession also strained Obama in the early weeks and months of his administration, demanding the quick and secretive work he had previously decried.

And he does that, he comes up for air in the very best way he can. He was always able to get out of the water and help us. I think his inside game was just trying to keep the country alive. A top White House official told Huffington that larger proposals were still debated. They chose to operate within those political constraints rather than try to expand them.

The president did venture outside the Beltway to sell the stimulus, making a trip to Florida to stand alongside one of the few supportive Republican lawmakers, then-Gov. But he did not travel to Maine to convince the moderate Republican Sens. Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe — who, unlike Crist, actually had a vote — to back the measure, as progressives urged him to do.

The infrequent use of his campaign arm, Organizing for America, was also criticized. We did go out and campaign. But as a political matter there was an upward limit for what was sellable. As the White House negotiated, Republicans stole a page from the Democratic playbook and took their arguments to the American people. I think they took it for granted. When Collins decided that the stimulus could include no money to upgrade schools, Bernstein said, the White House decided not to fight her on it.

The success of the stimulus is still being debated. But economists have also documented how insufficient the Recovery Act was in filling the hole the recession created.

And for many Democrats, the failure to fight on the ground for a policy that met the direness of the situation remains a fatal error. You need media on your side — for-real media, like [Republicans] have with Fox. And you need a movement in the streets like they have with the Tea Party. Jones told Huffington he was stunned to see conservatives out-organize the White House.

The mad dash to pass a stimulus may have forced the White House to not let the perfect be an enemy of the good. But the health care bill it began pursuing soon thereafter made clear the extent to which the president was willing to engage in transactional politics.

The decision to tackle health care reform itself was born from an un-inspirational premise. While Obama had talked frequently during the campaign about the moral obligation to expand access to the uninsured, it was basic accounting that convinced him to move forward in the spring of Rising health care costs are one of the biggest drivers of the national debt, and curbing the rate of growth was not just a policy objective, but a governing necessity.

Having reached this conclusion, Obama and his advisers made a set of strategic decisions that would define the subsequent health care reform process. The first was that everything had to be paid for.

There was little appetite for more deficit spending after the Troubled Asset Relief Program, the stimulus and the auto bailout. The second was to grant Congress a huge say over the legislative process. At first, openness meant hosting public forums where groups ranging from the unions to private insurance companies could voice their visions for reform, from the need for preventative services to the pitfalls of fee-for-service care. According to Democratic officials close to the situation, the administration decided not to enlist its massive email list to fight for the public option — a government agency to provide insurance coverage — because they worried that the measure would inevitably be traded away, disappointing those who fought for it.

They assured private insurers that the final reform bill would have a large private-sector component. The administration also promised not to use its purchasing power to lower prescription drug prices, and to oppose the re-importation of cheaper drugs from Canada and elsewhere, key PhRMA priorities. In August , after The Huffington Post obtained a memo detailing the bargain on health care, officials at the two agencies swapped ideas on how best to deny the allegations. On the Hill, the chair of that committee, Sen.

The negotiations dragged on for months as the public — with a heavy assist from congressional Republicans — soured on reform. Throughout the summer of , angry crowds at town hall meetings berated Democratic lawmakers on everything from government overreach to death panels.

By the fall, with Democrats acting skittish, the president chose to go big, delivering a speech to a joint session of Congress laying out the virtues of large-scale reform. In it, he returned to the lofty rhetoric that he had featured on the campaign trail. I am not the first president to take up this cause, but I am determined to be the last. But when it came down to actually securing votes, Obama and his allies continued to employ a carrot-centric approach.

When the deal engendered howls of outrage, Nelson had to ask that it be taken out of the final legislative language. When he objected to the public option, he was offered a provision he previously supported: When he rejected that too, Reid was apoplectic. But nobody pressured Lieberman to drop his pledge to uphold a filibuster of the bill.

In fact, when Obama addressed the Democratic caucus at the height of the debate, as the public option and Medicare buy-in were teetering on the brink, Lieberman said the president told him simply to work it out. And when Lieberman made his objections to the Medicare buy-in provision known, then-White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel, a notorious political knee-capper, kept his cool.

It capped the amount of money insurance companies could spend on non-health care functions, helped seniors with their prescription drug coverage, and promoted preventative care. But it did not include a public option — with could have saved tens of millions of dollars, according to the Congressional Budget Office — or the Medicare buy-in provision. And the administration had limited the ability of the government to negotiate directly with drug companies.

They made that deal off the record. Not just on substance. He thought he was going to be bringing Democrats and Republicans together, not just Democrats together. At a caucus meeting in early February , Sen. For the president and his defenders, there is a ready rejoinder to complaints about the inside game he played. In the end, the stimulus was passed and the economy was saved. Health care reform got done and tens of millions of people were granted access to health insurance.

Obama, unlike any of his predecessors, notched that historic achievement. But that only raises the question of what Obama might have gotten had he done more to drum up support for his proposals outside Washington. Emanuel urged the president to whittle down the bill into small pieces that could pass through Congress. Pundits across town thought the whole enterprise was dead. It was the outside game that revived it. The only possibility was to use a process known as reconciliation, a controversial legislative maneuver which requires only a majority vote.

Pingree and Polis urged Reid to use reconciliation and put the public option on the floor. But instead of lobbying Reid alone, the freshmen partnered with outside progressive groups who ran national petitions and lobbied other members to sign.

Hundreds of thousands of people signed the petition, along with scores of Democratic members of Congress. Each time a new senator signed on, momentum grew. Eventually, more than 50 senators were on record supporting the public option through reconciliation. Responding to the pressure, a Reid spokesman issued a statement saying that if the caucus wanted a vote, he would consider moving forward on it.

It was a direct challenge to the White House, which had little desire to reignite what they thought was a hopeless debate. The public option never got a vote. But the outside game changed the fortunes of the seemingly dead health care bill. Obama himself, with his signature effort on the brink, broke with the inside game playbook and used his bully pulpit in one of the most effective ways a president ever has. His aides demanded that cameras record his appearance before the House Republican Caucus retreat in Baltimore, during which he publicly called those lawmakers out for knee-jerk opposition and intellectual dishonesty.

A month later, he held open meetings at the Blair House, debating congressional Republicans on the merits and shortcomings of their pieces of reform. The party decided to move forward with reconciliation.

Democrats had the space and capital they needed to get the Affordable Care Act passed. The renewed push for the public option, though ultimately unsuccessful, helped save the bill, according to Democrats on the Hill. We could feel it out there.

Could it have been more helpful, earlier? The outside game also helped progressives achieve other legislative victories that might have otherwise eluded them. With health care complete, the Senate moved to finish Wall Street reform in the spring of As such, it was shot through with carve-outs and loopholes for the banks. A strange thing began happening in the Senate, however.

With consumer advocate Elizabeth Warren and a coalition of progressive and labor groups taking the fight to the public, the bill got stronger in the upper chamber. The White House, for its part, seized on a major Goldman Sachs scandal, as the bank was charged in April by the Securities and Exchange Commission with defrauding investors.

Republicans and bank lobbyists found the timing of the announcement suspicious, but it worked to reignite public outrage at Wall Street. Die erste Unterkunft ist ca. Weltweit Hotels suchen und buchen auf kriebus. O Box Zanzibar P. Box P. Anton am Arlberg St.

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Leonhard im Pitz St. Leonhard im Pitztal St. Leonhard in Passeier St. Margarethen im Lungau St. Maria di Leuca St. Martin am Grimming St. Martin am Tennengebirge St.

Martin bei Lofer St. Martin im Sulmtal St. Martin in Passei St. Martin in Passeier St. Le niveau macroéconomique est représenté par le politiques publiques. Grâce à un bon système de politiques pour le développement de l'innovation, on peut favoriser l'interaction entre ces organes.

C'est grâce à un système de relations complexes entre ces trois niveaux que s'engendre l'innovation. Même les géographes affirment que l'innovation est liée à la concentration dans un endroit de impulsions innovantes tels que la recherche universitaire, la recherche par les entreprises et les services spécialisés pour les entreprises. Innovation et territoire sont analysés par ces chercheurs à plusieurs égards: Cela montre que l'innovation est un processus géographique complexe avec de multiples déterminants spatiaux Feldman, En concurrence les unes avec les autres, les Régions du monde sont le lieu d'établissement de la compétence et de l'apprentissage dans une ère mondialisée à forte intensité cognitive.

Le rôle des Régions a changé: L'espace n'est pas un substrat neutre de l'activité économique, mais un système dynamique d'acteurs et de facteurs qui conduisent des capacités de développement spécifiques Heraud, Dans la Région on crée un réseau de contacts, liens, relations continues et nombreuses.

Compte tenu de ces caractéristiques, les Régions portent également le nom de learning region Morgan, Ces learning region fonctionnent comme des dépôts d'idées et de connaissances, et fournissent un environnement étendu ou des infrastructures qui facilitent la circulation des connaissances, des idées et de l'apprentissage Floride, Dans la Région sont nombreuses les installations existantes, souvent hétérogènes et d'importance variable.

La présence de nombreux agents ne suffit pas s'ils n'ont pas de relations de travail entre eux et n'agissent pas en synergie. Au niveau dimensionnel, une Région doit être suffisamment petit pour que ses citoyens puissent partager certains intérêts économiques et de la consommation, mais en même temps doit avoir une taille qui justifie les infrastructures nécessaires pour participer économiquement à l'échelle globale de développement Floride, Voilà que dans la Région se mettent en lumière le villes qui fonctionnent comme agents de développement, concentrant à l'intérieur les centres de formation et de la recherche qui opèrent un rôle novateur pour le développement économique.

Bairoch , illustre la naissance et le développement de la ville en identifiant quatre stades différents. Le premier, appelé de proto-industrialisation, s'étend depuis 5. Pendant cette période, il y avait un passage d'une économie basée sur la chasse et la pêche nomade à une économie basée sur l'élevage et la culture.

Ici, la population n'est plus nomade, mais commence à s'arrêter, créant ainsi les premières agglomérations urbaines. La deuxième période commence à partir de avant J. La troisième étape se produit avec la révolution industrielle et l'afflux de population des zones rurales vers les zones urbaines et l'émergence de mégapoles. La dernière étape va enfin revenir à il y a ans avec l'inflation urbaine dans le tiers monde, c'est a dire la grande croissance de la population dans les villes du tiers monde qui n'est pas accompagné par un développement économique et une augmentation de la production agricole.

Études sur l'économie de proximité montrent la présence d'une polarisation des activités par laquelle, malgré la croissance de l'importance de la communication à distance et du commerce international, est en même temps présent une tendance à la monopolisation et la concentration des activités dans la métropole Gilly, Torre, L'analyse au niveau de ville et de agglomération urbaine s'inspire des théories qui mettent en valeur le rôle de la ville en tant que moteur du développement.

Huriot et Bordeaux-Lepage font valoir que le développement régional dans une économie mondialisée semble être soumis à les villes et à leurs relations économiques régionales, nationales et mondiales. Les trois quarts de la population vivent dans les zones urbaines et les villes contribuent ainsi au développement des pays en proportion de la population, des activités technologiques, informatives et informelles.

Les villes produisent plus que proportionnellement à leur population et n'ont pas la même structure économique de l'ensemble de l'économie, mais elles sont spécialisés dans un éventail d'activités de haut niveau. En particulier, elles s'occupent de haute technologie et des services supérieurs et sont l'endroit où sont situés les sièges sociaux de grandes entreprises, où se concentrent toutes les fonctions stratégiques de création, de décision et de contrôle économique.

Aujourd'hui, même les commerces et les échanges ont tendance à se concentrer dans les grandes villes, ce qui suggère que le commerce interrégionale et le commerce international seront remplacés par le commerce interurbain Huriot, Bordeaux-Lepage, Quelle est la relation entre la ville et le développement économique et, plus précisément, quelle est la relation entre la ville et l'évolution technologique? La ville, par rapport à d'autres territoires, joue un rôle particulier dans le changement technologique et dans les processus d'innovation.

Ce n'est pas forcément l'endroit le plus favorable à l'innovation économique, mais a néanmoins une "méta-capacité" à développer l'interaction et l'apprentissage qui génèrent les ressources et les acteurs économiques en contact l'un avec l'autre Crevoisier , Crevoisier, Kebir, Chaque ville est différente des autres et parler de la taille optimale est simpliste car on ne prend pas en compte les différences et les typicités urbaines; en plus il y a la présence des avantages de localisation urbaines qui ne sont pas liées à l'ampleur Camagni, Capello, , Une nouvelle analyse de la ville est avancé par Richard Florida qui prend en compte de nouveaux éléments d'étude.

Les villes sont un concentré de créativité et sont véhicule à mobiliser, concentrer et cibler l'énergie créatrice de l'homme. Florida soutient qu'un nouveau modèle de développement doit comprendre la technologie, le talent et la tolérance. La ville est un endroit où plus qu'ailleurs vous pouvez trouver ces trois éléments puisque dans son intérieur sont disponibles les talents de nombreux diplômés , les professionnels créatifs musiciens, acteurs, peintres, etc.

Mais c'est un concept complexe, une énigme. Par conséquent, il est de plus en plus nécessaire à une approche interdisciplinaire. La ville est aussi un lieu de culture avec un rôle dans le processus de mondialisation. Cela est démontré par les réflexions sur les notions de "ville culturelle" de "classe créative". La littérature sur l'économie créative est aujourd'hui encore très inégale et aussi émergent clairement quelques limites de cette économie, tels que la marchandisation des valeurs culturelles, nouvelles formes d'élitisme et un développement inégale Liefooghe, Toutefois, le traitement des ressources, du patrimoine et de l'économie culturelle sont des questions que la géographie et l'aménagement ont approfondi, poursuivant en parallèle avec les discussions tenues par l'économie, mais sans trouver un cadre commun pour le dialogue Pecqueur, Peyrache-Gadeau, Agglomération urbaine de Grenoble et Turin La première question qui se pose est relative à la comparabilité possible entre les deux agglomérations urbaines de Grenoble et Turin.

Objet de l'étude est le système innovant dans le contexte de la ville, vue comme une agglomération urbaine avec des limites plus larges que les frontières administratives.

En effet, le territoire à l'étude n'est pas seulement celui qui est inclus dans les limites municipales mais il s'étend à tout le système économique voisin avec lequel on a créé un espace commun de développement. Les raisons qui ont conduit au choix de ces deux villes sont multiples. En premier lieu, l'aspect le plus immédiat mais pas le plus important: Ces liens sont engendrés non seulement par la proximité géographique mais aussi par un patrimoine culturel commun.

Les analyses qui concernent zones voisines, sont souvent l'objet d'étude; à cet égard, nous pouvons citer la comparaison faite par BETA de Strasbourg entre l'Alsace et le Bade-Wurtemberg Ali et Héraud, Les liens éducatifs sont très solides et cela est démontré aussi par la présence de l'Université Franco Italienne, qui dispose de deux secrétariats: La signature du Protocole d'accord entre la Région Piémont, l'Université de Turin et les municipalités de la région métropolitaine de Turin est orientée vers la décentralisation des établissements universitaires.

En particulier, l'objectif est de créer une université transalpine de troisième niveau, avec la coparticipation de Turin, Grenoble et Lyon. Au niveau éducatif, on a entrepris une formation unique d'ingénieur à l'international en micro et nanotechnologies pour les systèmes intégrés entre Grenoble, Turin et Lausanne. Même sur le plan social naissent des initiatives de collaboration. L'objectif fondamental du projet était la création d'un réseau entre les Centres Information de jeunes italiens et français et la mise en place de soutiens professionnels et d'information pour promouvoir, faciliter et accroître la mobilité des jeunes entre les territoires concernés des deux côtés de la frontière italo-française.

Ces rapports, initialement concentrée sur le secteur automobile, se sont même étendus à d'autres secteurs. En ce qui concerne les secteurs productifs, l'économie de la région de Turin a été caractérisé depuis de nombreuses années par l' industrie métallurgique, en particulier dans le secteur automobile. La région de Grenoble au contraire a une caractérisation moins univoque, se développant dans divers secteurs industriels.

Les ville, toutes les deux d'ancienne industrialisation, ont été frappées par une crise dans l'industrie qui a conduit à la fermeture ou à la réduction des effectifs de nombreuses entreprises.

Cependant, même si au fil des années n'a cessé de diminuer l'importance de l'industrie, elle joue encore un rôle central. La nouvelle situation a toutefois conduit à la délocalisation de certaines entreprises; donc, on a dû chercher de nouvelles voies de développement, en générant la création d'une capacité d'autoadaptation aux changements de l'économie.

Une autre raison qui a conduit au choix de ces deux villes est liée à leurs caractéristiques de la gouvernance des politiques publiques.

Alors que Grenoble a bénéficié d'une intervention publique importante, Turin a été influencé dans son développement par l'histoire d'une seule entreprise, Fiat, qui a aidé ou nui à certaines trajectoires de croissance. De cette analyse émergent de nombreux éléments qui suggèrent une comparaison intéressante; toutefois, les différences qu'on peut détecter sont également utiles pour mettre en évidence les spécificités des deux agglomérations urbaines.

Première réflexion distinctive sur les deux territoires Le processus d'agglomération de Grenoble est basée sur une concentration spatiale d'activités économiques hétérogènes qui ne manifestent a priori des complémentarités Pecqueur, Rousier et Champ ont mis en évidence les considérables différences entre les secteurs à l'intérieur du pôle technologique de Grenoble.

Malgré cela, Pecqueur a montré comment ce contexte va créer une forme irréversible de développement, similaire à celle décrite par A. Marshall sur les districts industriels. On peut, à travers l'analyse de l'histoire économique de Grenoble, voir un chemin de croissance sur plusieurs fronts qui engendre des compétences utilisables et recyclables dans les différents secteurs.

Bien que le chemin du développement naturel tend à être linéaire et orienté vers le même secteur, on peut aussi remarquer des compétences qui, suite à l'évolution des marchés et à leur réduction, ont été recyclés dans d'autres domaines.

C'est le cas des gants. Les concepts de ressource et de "actif", compris selon l'énoncé de Pecqueur , sont particulièrement pertinentes pour le cas de l'économie de Grenoble. La région de Grenoble a fait l'objet d'une aide publique à la création de "actifs", réalisés dans le but de stimuler les ressources nécessaires pour le développement du territoire.

La politique économique nationale a joué un rôle de premier plan grâce à l'implémentation des infrastructures de recherche et de formation aptes au développement d'activités innovantes.

Turin est souvent appelée la ville de Fiat et de la Juventus. Certes, Fiat a influé dans une façon très évidente sur le développement de la ville, parfois en la conditionnant sur une voie limitée et bien définie. En ce sens doit être lu l'arrivée dans la ville, depuis les années Cinquante du siècle dernier, d'un grand nombre de travailleurs de toute l'Italie, en particulier à partir du sud, afin de répondre aux besoins de développement de l'entreprise automobile.

Cette situation a changé et, aujourd'hui, on parler de la réduction du secteur automobile, ce qui porte la ville à s'interroger sur l'avenir et à chercher de nouvelles avenues qui pourraient permettre une croissance et un repositionnement économique, capable de résister à la concurrence des grandes villes européennes.

En ce qui concerne le secteur de l'automobile, la diversification concerne les composants, les produits métallurgiques, les moyens et les systèmes de production; mais ce processus s'étend également aux actifs financiers et de l'édition. Cela se traduit par un investissement continu dans la technologie qui apportera dans les années suivantes à la création de nouveaux domaines technologiques émergents dans l'agglomération turinoise.

Pour comprendre la ville, il faut avoir à l'esprit ce qui a été l'évolution dans le temps de activité productive, pas seulement en tenant compte du cas de Fiat, mais aussi se référant à d'autres domaines tels que GFT ou le groupe informatique Olivetti. Le modèle fordiste, à la base du développement industriel de Turin, a tenu jusqu'à la fin des années soixante, puis il est entré en crise. Ce modèle de production en série a considérablement augmenté quand on avait besoin d'une grande production de masse, mais depuis les années soixante et soixante-dix a montré quelques difficultés, en partie en raison d'une demande plus limitée et diversifiée.

C'est ce qui explique la disparition de ces années à Turin de certaines entreprises fondées sur la production de masse. D'autre part, Piore et Sabel mettent en évidence la différence entre une entreprise fordiste et un système des petites entreprises à spécialisation flexible, en soulignant que l'une n'exclut pas l'autre. Voici que à une production de masse peut également s'accompagner une production artisanale qui répond à des exigences différentes.

Ce savoir-faire est indiquée par les auteurs comme spécialisation flexible qui peut ensuite mené au développement des districts industriels et du système de production local.

Les entreprises qui ont survécu ont été capables de s'adapter aux changements du marché, de mettre en place les plus rentables et efficaces stratégies dans de tels moments. Le modèle observé dans le cas français, quoique légèrement différent, se relève également dans le cas de Turin. Les politiques publiques, par rapport à celles privées, ont été fondamentalement de différente orientation.

La grande entreprise est en effet intervenue dans la création des "actifs", souvent spécifiques à l'industrie automobile, tandis que les politiques publiques ont eu lieu à un stade ultérieur. L'objectif des organes de gouvernement était d'opérer pour faire face à la crise de Fiat et du secteur automobile, plutôt que dans le but de créer un scénario positif pour le développement économique du territoire.

On n'a pas effectué une intervention a priori pour offrir à la région de infrastructures manquantes pour le développement d'activités innovantes, mais on a cherché un moyen de résoudre une crise.

Cela ne signifie pas que les investissements dans la recherche n'ont pas été présents aussi auparavant. Le prestige du Polytechnique de Turin et de l'Université de Turin, par exemple, sont le résultat de fructueuses relations de coopération que les grandes entreprises ont su tresser au fil des ans. Analyse selon la dépendance au chemin emprunté Il est donc important un 'analyse historique de ces deux domaines, ce qui est utile pour comprendre comment la situation actuelle a été conditionnée par les événements passés à travers un parcours "dépendante au chemin emprunté" pathdépendante.

La prémisse à partir de laquelle on peut commencer, c'est que l'orientation économique ne dispose pas d'un équilibre seul et prédéterminé, puisque cela dépend en partie sur le processus par lequel il est originaire. Paul David indique en effet les propriétés dynamiques du processus d'allocation grâce à leur mise en relation avec les processus par lesquels convergent.

L'état dans lequel nous vivons aujourd'hui est le résultat de ce qui s'est passé dans le passé Liebowitz, Margolis, L'approche path-dépendante en effet met l'accent sur le changement comme un phénomène de type principalement endogène.

La même capacité de la société à absorber et à retravailler les connaissances venant de l'extérieur est dépendante du bagage des connaissances acquises au fil du temps Lazzeretti, La science économique se constitue par la coordination des acteurs en vue de produire et d'acquérir une production et le contexte historique et spatiale prédétermine fortement la nature de la coordination Pecqueur, Piore et Sabel , en étudiant les petites entreprises industrielles dans différents pays, identifient les réussites comme la manifestation d'un phénomène qui a ses racines dans le passé.

Pour les deux auteurs, la technologie elle-même est le résultat d'un produit social qui donne lieu à l'organisation sociale, à son tour conditionnée par l' interaction entre les mêmes personnes. Les compétences et les capacités mentionnées ci-dessus sont le résultat des connaissances acquises au fil du temps. Les agents sont impliqués parce que leur comportement est le résultat de ce qu'ils ont déjà acquise par l'apprentissage.

En ce sens, le critère de la rationalité de l'action humaine se trouve dans les valeurs obtenues pour la maximisation du bien-être, compte tenu d'une part des procédures mentales et d'autre part de limitations cognitives, d'information et de calcul de l'action rationnelle Marengo, La contribution des approches cognitive, évolutionniste et conventionnelle Le rôle de l'expérience comme moyen de faciliter la résolution des problèmes à mesure qu'ils surviennent a été relancé par divers courants de pensée économique.

Herbert Simon a montré que les humains ne sont pas capables de se comporter comme des sujets pleinement rationnels. Face à des solutions complexes, le sujet tâtonne et s'arrête, atteint un certain niveau, se contentant d'une solution satisfaisante mais pas excellente. Kahneman et Tversky aussi montrent que, dans leur comportement, les individus ignorent les axiomes qui guident le choix rationnel, même face à des problèmes d'une grande simplicité.

Les théories évolutionnistes étudient ces imperfections. L'agent succède à l'homme économique et à l'information parfaite s'oppose l'asymétrie d'information. Les organisations suivent ces routines établies à l'intérieur et nées des expériences et connaissances tacitement diffusées au fil du temps. L'approche des conventionnalistes a des points de contact avec les économistes évolutionnistes parce qu'elle illustre la convention comme un mode de résolution des problèmes d'organisation économique.

Salais et Storper , se référant à la notion de "monde de production", définissent l'univers économique comme un ensemble complexe d'éléments formé par les produits, mais aussi par la technologie, par les conventions et les institutions qui entourent la production, par l'État, par l'incertitude et les risques associés à la production, par la nature de la demande, par la typologie d'économie réalisée.

L'économie conventionnaliste fait partie de l'économie institutionnelle, selon laquelle l'institution est une règle qui permet la coordination au sein des organisations pour créer de l'ordre et pour réduire l'incertitude décisionnelle.

Les agents ne sont pas en mesure de résoudre un problème collectif avec le seul calcul individuel, par conséquent recourent à une règle commune définie convention. Une convention est une solution à un problème de coordination sur lequel on concentre l'attention des agents et qui tend à se reproduire sur une base régulière Dupuy, Les conventionnalistes reconnaissent un rôle essentiel aux mécanismes d'interaction sociale dans la création de l'information et la formation des décisions Marescotti, Le comportement individuel est influencé par le comportement social Orléans, Alors que dans le modèle évolutif, selon Nelson et Winter , les routines se réfèrent aux compétences et habilités répétitives qui ont surgi à la suite d'expériences enregistrées par une organisation et sont le résultat des expériences dans le travail, les conventions résultent des rapports répétés dans zones restreintes et puis étendus avec des processus d'imitation.

Storper définit les technologies, l'organisation et le territoire comme les "saintes trinités" du développement régional.

Les routines représentent d'une part le potentiel d'innovation étant donné qu'elle rassemblent la connaissance organisationnelle , d'autre part un obstacle au changement Denicolai, La construction des conventions permet aux acteurs d'agir d'une façon cohérente et coordonnée, en produisant des innovations économiquement faisables Storper, L'innovation est donc le résultat d'un long processus d'apprentissage comme un processus locale dans lequel les connaissances sont liées au territoire et sont difficilement transférables, parce que tacites et intégrés dans les personnes et les organisations qui leur appartiennent.

La même délocalisation de la production, mais avec un processus lent, peut conduire à un mécanisme de transfert des sujets et des routines à d'autres organisations. Le processus d'apprentissage, donné par les routines, les conventions et tous les types de connaissances, est développé dans le temps par les choix effectués dans chaque domaine. Ces connaissances sont le résultat d'expériences historiques reliées entre elles.

Spécificités économiques Après la description des caractéristiques partagées par les deux territoires et les différences dans la politique de gouvernance, on peut se concentrer sur l'analyse des particularités des deux agglomérations. Dès la seconde moitié du XXe siècle le développement économique à Grenoble est tributaire de la croissance et de la diversification des activités scientifiques et de leur application dans l'industrie Novarina, Les activités scientifiques ont suivi les chemins qui ont périodiquement changé de direction.

Le premier changement a eu lieu avec l'introduction de la physique quantique à la suite de l'arrivée de chercheurs de l' Ecole Nationale Supérieure.

À cette fin, des réacteurs nucléaires sont installés à l'intérieur de la "Péninsule scientifique". Dans le même temps se sont également développées les industries de l'électronique et de l'informatique liées à l'activité de piles atomiques.

Par la suite, la nécessité de miniaturiser les systèmes et la plus grande quantité d'informations à enregistrer ont orienté vers la nanotechnologie et l'abandon progressif du nucléaire. Les trois phases distinctes de la physique théorique, de la physique nucléaire et des nanotechnologies semblent avoir rien en commun, mais elles représentent des développements incrémentiels et en même temps radicales qui partagent la même origine.

Ces étapes du changement montrent la capacité de la ville à se déplacer et à s'adapter aux évolutions du marché et d'anticiper les réponses aux nouveaux besoins.

Ces produits ont été rassemblé en trois groupes. Le premier groupe est représenté par l'industrie de base des exportations françaises avec les produits de la chimie de base, de l'équipement et de la machinerie, de la pharmacie et de la construction de voitures. Le deuxième groupe comprend ceux qui sont moyennement représentés par les exportations françaises avec la chimique appliquée, les équipements électriques, l'instrumentation de voitures et les produits sidérurgiques.

Le troisième groupe rassemble les sous-représentées au niveau national mais très représentatifs pour Rhône-Alpes. Il comprend les composants électroniques, les matériaux non ferreux, les machines spécifiques, les articles de sport, les textiles, produits médicaux et vêtements. Le développement de l'agglomération de Grenoble est identifié avec un modèle d'excellence dans lequel les secteurs technologiquement avancés sont très liés, parfois dépendants de la recherche publique et privée comme l'Université, le Centre d'Etudes Nucléaires, le CNRS, etc.

Grenoble concrétise une interprétation du concept de technopole comme un réseau complexe de sous-ensembles appartenants à des sphères d'activité qui non seulement étaient séparés mais qui ont vécu séparément jusqu'à ces dernières années Bernardy de Sigoyer, Boisgontier, Cette évolution de la ville a eu lieu à travers un processus d'internationalisation sur trois niveaux: L'immigration initialement concernait des travailleurs peu qualifiés, en ouvrant plus tard aux gestionnaires, aux chercheurs, aux étudiants universitaires qui ont donné lieu au pôle technologique.

La présence de travailleurs hautement qualifiés a permis au territoire de développer le segment high-tech et de réaliser une force d'attraction vers l'extérieur. La formation commune se présente comme la pièce maîtresse d'un développement local dans lequel les relations sont caractérisées par la facilité de communication et l'affinité professionnelle Pecqueur, On suppose une possible sous-industrialisation de Grenoble, selon laquelle la ville souffrirait d'une hypertrophie de la matière grise.

Les entreprises de ZIRST n'engagent ni mainteneurs, ni dactylographes et le système de l'enseignement supérieur forme trop d'ingénieurs Bernardy de Sigoyer, Boisgontier, Les organismes chargés de la gestion et du développement aimeraient rééquilibrer le profil des activités de Grenoble avec quelques "poids lourdes Industriels", qu'ils croient stratégiques pour assurer un complément aux activités de recherche Bernardy de Sigoyer, Boisgontier, Cela conduit à l'utilisation de la voiture pour se rendre sur les sites avec des conséquences importantes sur l'environnement dans une vallée alpine étroite.

Les transports publics et le développement des infrastructures de transport ne sont venus que plus tard, par exemple avec les nouvelles lignes de métro de surface. Bien que Grenoble soit reconnue comme une ville high-tech, le secteur le plus important est représenté par le commerce et les services. La ville n'est pas un lieu de production, mais plutôt la recherche appliquée et de conceptualisation Aniello, Le Galès, Le secteur technologique a été une force motrice pour l'ensemble de l'économie locale.

L'augmentation des revenus dans la grappe technologique se traduit automatiquement par une consommation plus élevée et de nouveaux emplois dans le commerce et les services Novarina, En particulier, il se produit une expansion des activités commerciales des grands groupes et la prédominance des services de conseil en informatique, ingénierie, production de logiciel avec une taille généralement petite.

La région de Turin a été protagoniste des changements qui se sont développés au sein des marchés mondiaux. L'industrie turinoise a été à la fois spectateur et acteur de ces changements, réagissant activement à la recherche de nouvelles orientations stratégiques et de nouveaux équilibres concurrentiels Union industrielle de Turin, L'héritage historique a caractérisé Turin comme une ville du travail des métaux, pôle productif qui, avec Milan et Gênes, a été le soi-disant triangle industriel.

La forte spécialisation, d'une part, a conduit dans une période précédente à profiter de toutes les économies d'échelle et d'envergure sur le territoire en favorisant la création d'un induit hautement spécialisé, d'autre part, a rendu la région plus vulnérable à la concurrence. Les politiques industrielles ont abordé soit les politiques de prix, qui ont conduit à des délocalisations de production à l'étranger, soit des différenciations des produits avec investissements dans l'innovation, etc.

Turin a suivi une diversification des activités: Ce changement a été détecté par les établissements de formation et de recherche qui sont présents dans la ville.

Université et Polytechnique ont créé de nouvelles compétences et soutenu le changement. Même au niveau institutionnel sont nées plusieurs initiatives qui ont facilité ce changement. On a commencé un processus de discussion entre les administrateurs et la société civile qui a permis une confrontation sur les transformations locales en dehors des vieux stéréotypes Associazione Torino Internazionale, Les Jeux olympiques de ont également soutenu la visibilité internationale de cette ville, mettant en évidence un dynamisme qu'on ne aurait pas imaginée avant.

L'événement sportif a également conduit à un réaménagement urbain et à la réutilisation des friches industrielles. Le patrimoine industriel de Turin est important dans le contexte des compétences et des attitudes qui peuvent être récupérés en tant que potentiel, grâces à la création de grappes de recherche, activités d'exploitation et en recyclant les installations de fabrication abandonnées à cause de la croissance de la ville.

Un exemple significatif est La Cittadella Politecnica, conçue pour établir un centre de recherche et de formation dans la région abandonnée des "Ex Officine Grandi Riparazioni".

Etapes du développement, stagnation et déclin ont eu lieu au fil des ans avec des caractéristiques similaires à celles du reste du pays. Toutefois, compte tenu de la singularité du système économique local, à Turin, ils ont eu des effets particuliers. Cette involution du secondaire a continué progressivement en faveur du secteur des services. La crise de a durement frappé Turin, mais aussi Grenoble, avec des valeurs plus élevées que les moyennes nationales.

Cela est du à la caractéristique industrielle des deux territoires et à la présence de nombreuses petites et moyennes entreprises, plus vulnérables dans le contexte de la concurrence internationale. A Turin, les années qui ont suivi la crise économique ont conduit à un processus de renouvellement du tissu industriel. Dans le premier cas, il s'agit d'un phénomène de dépendance à l'égard du passé pathdependance qui rend les décisions des opérateurs économiques actuels dépendants de celles prises dans le passé, et représente donc une sorte de 'frein à changer' ou d' 'élan du système'.

Le système économique change, mais lentement, précisément à cause de la connexion avec la structure qui existait auparavant. Cependant, la vitesse de changement varie à la suite d'une crise économique de type structural et pas seulement cyclique.

Une crise structurelle est un choc si négatif qui peut inciter les acteurs à modifier leur organisation productive sans tenir compte de ce qui s'est passé dans le passé, comme la percée structurelle est perçue comme un changement clair du modèle économique précédent.

Les principaux secteurs turinois qui semblent promettre un développement pour les années à venir sont ceux représentés par l'aéronautique, l'aérospatiale, les TIC, la biotechnologie et la pharmaceutique, l'électronique, l'automobile. La politique des Pôles de Compétitivité et des Poli di Innovazione Malgré les différences importantes entre les activités des deux agglomérations, on arrive à la réalisation de pôles stratégiques pour le développement innovant.

Comment choisit-on les politiques des Pôles de Compétitivité et des Poli di Innovazione dans les deux territoires? La mondialisation de l'économie de la connaissance, contrairement à ce qu'on pourrait penser, repose de plus en plus sur la dimension locale. Afin de stimuler le développement économique et de répondre efficacement à une concurrence internationale de plus en plus intense, les pays doivent adopter des politiques en faveur de l'entrepreneuriat et de l'innovation qui reflètent leurs caractéristiques locales Potter, Miranda, Parmi les récents instruments de politique économique qui ont obtenu des succès notables il y a les Pôles de compétitivité et les Poli di Innovazione.

Leur but est d'améliorer la compétitivité de l'industrie nationale à travers le développement des liens avec la recherche, la formation et le territoire. Les Pôles de Compétitivité sont créés par un réseau d'acteurs dans un domaine donné et reliés par un projet commun de Recherche et Développement. Les participants sont les entreprises, les laboratoires de recherche et les centres de formation. Le thème du projet, qui peut consister en une technologie ou en un secteur donné de l'industrie, pousse le regroupement des diverses compétences et la réalisation d'une masse critique.

Géographiquement, le Pôle de Compétitivité doit maintenir une extension limitée, mais cela n'empêche pas qu'il puisse s'étendre entre deux départements ou entre deux régions.

Les fonds ont été divisées en périodes de ans chacun. Parmi les , le Gouvernement a accepté 71 pôles de compétitivité, sept "mondiaux" et dix "à vocation mondiale". Suite à une évaluation accomplie en , certains pôles n'ont pas été confirmées et ont perdu le nom de Pôles de Compétitivité et d'autres sont nés dans le secteur de l'énergie. Pour la région Rhône-Alpes ont été présentés 19 projets, dont dix sont devenus opérationnels. Dans la région de Grenoble ont été pris en compte: Avec ces ressources sont financées les activités des différents opérateurs 6 millions d'Euros et le développement de projets ou l'accès à des services à forte valeur ajoutée pour la recherche et l'innovation 54 millions d'Euros.

Dans ce cas également, il y a eu un processus d'évaluation des dossiers de candidature et les résultats ont conduit à la création de 12 pôles dans le Piémont dont les 5 ci-dessous dans la zone urbaine de Turin: Centro servizi industrie Srl; 46 9. Rôle d'interface des mésostructures Les sujets gestionnaires interrogés jouent leur rôle d'interface technologique et sont des organismes de proximité pas seulement géographique mais aussi institutionnelle, et organisationnelle.

La proximité géographique facilite l'échange de connaissances et accroît l'efficacité et l'efficience des processus d'apprentissage Autresch, Feldman, Cette proximité est, comme son nom l'indique, d'espace physique entre les sujets et, en ce sens, permet des interactions quotidiennes.

Il est commun d'étendre le terme, en s'élargissant de "géographique" vers "spatial", ce qui indique les distances qui, par temps, coûts de transport et coûts de communication, permettent des rapports fréquents et quotidiens Bouba-Olga, Grossetti, Elle est la plus évidente lorsque les mésostructures, créés pour le développement des politiques des pôles et avec une durée de vie limitée à la réalisation de la politique donné, sont géographiquement proches, au sein d'un territoire commun.

Toutefois, une perspective axée exclusivement sur le système local a tendance à sous-estimer les formes de proximité relationnelle garanties par les liens globaux de réciprocité, comme les réseaux transactionnels, qui sont aussi des formes d' apprentissage informel Bramanti, Salone, Moins évidentes mais fondamentales, sont ensuite les proximités reliées aux ressemblances selon lesquelles les sujets partagent la même base de expériences et connaissances, en apprenant les uns des autres, sont liés à une appartenance dans laquelle les acteurs sont basés sur des interactions continues et où est présente la familiarité fondée sur l'amitié et la confiance.

Cette dernière, comme indiqué par Pecqueur et Zimmermann , est séparable dans organisationnelle et institutionnelle. La création du parc technologique Zirst, aujourd'hui appelé Innovallée, devient un succès national et international, en étant l'un des centres les plus importants de développement économique dans la région métropolitaine de Grenoble, qui toutefois ne parvient pas à donner une organisation territoriale mondiale à le cluster technologique Novarina, Selon Pecqueur , le Zirst de Meylan est une exemplification des systèmes de production locaux "à incubation".

Même la création des Parchi Scientifici e Tecnologici dans la région turinoise n'a pas généré une unicité des politiques et des actions à l'appui d'un secteur, créant parfois de la confusion et le chevauchement entre les utilisateurs sujets. On parle de proximité organisationnelle quand il y a une interaction directe entre les agents et de proximité institutionnelle lorsqu'il n'y a pas d'interaction directe mais il ya un certain nombre d'habitudes et des routines qui facilitent les relations entre les individus et les groupes, permettant un plus grand partage des connaissances.

Toutes ces proximités sont présentes dans les deux régions considérées. Les Pôle de Compétitivité et i Poli di Innovazione sont nés dans le but d'accroître et de renforcer ces relations et de créer des nouvelles relations.

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